By Alan
Caruba
I never
fail to be astonished by the amount of corruption there is in the world. It is
a very human trait whether it was royalty asserting that they ruled by God’s
choice until their subjects rose up against them or modern day despots
encountering the same fate.
Sarah Chayes
has authored “Thieves of State: Why Corruption Threatens Global Security”
($26.95, W.W. Norton) and it is quite timely when you consider that corruption
ignited the “Arab Spring”, first in Tunisia when a peddler grew so tired of the
police asking for bribes that he set himself afire in protest. Its dictator’s
wife openly displayed the nation’s stolen wealth for which they were driven
from power. In Egypt there was a similar response when the public tired of the
looting of the state treasury by Mubarak’s son. Revolts from Libya to Syria
have been generated by the same cause.
Corruption
in the Middle East has a long history, but it is worldwide and, depending on
the nation, is either tolerated as part of the way the culture does business or
resisted by governments who understand that it undermines their legitimacy.
Throw a dart at the map of the world and you are likely to hit a nation where
corruption is influencing current events. As Chayes notes, “Time and again U.S.
officials are blindsided by major developments in countries where they work.
Too often they are insensible to the perspectives and aspirations of
population.”
A classic
example is Afghanistan where both the Soviet Union and the U.S. ran into such
ingrained corruption that it undermined their objectives, the former to turn it
into a satellite and the latter to turn it into a modern, democratic
government. Chayes cites Afghanistan as a classic example of why the Taliban
emerged as a jihadist movement. Corruption in the form of bribes, kick-backs,
cronyism, is so deeply engrained in Afghanistan that it generated a movement to
replace it with sharia law by Islamists.
“If the
very Afghan officials by whose sides they planned to combat extremists were
generating those extremists themselves—by having men shake down travelers and
taking a cut, or leaving bills unpaid, or by providing judiciously selected
‘intelligence’ to engineer a night-raid against a rival trafficking network—it
was too big a paradox to take in. NATO officers,” said Chayes, “did not want to
know.”
“The
corruption networks” in Afghanistan, writes Chayes, “were just too vertically
integrated: any move against any official, no matter how lowly, would
reverberate all the way up the chain to Karzai.”
In the
1960s and 1970s, Afghanistan had been a constitutional monarchy with a national
assembly and local elders affording a check on executive power. “Citizens
expected a decent education from their government, health care, even employment
in state-owned industries.” That changed when Hamid Karzai took over. At that
point government became a criminal enterprise.
The 9/11
attack prompted the U.S. to invade to drive out al Qaeda, but it also led to its
staying on to fight the perceived enemies of Afghanistan. They—otherwise known
as the Taliban—were being generated in part by the desire to drive out the
corrupt Karzai administration.
What we
tend to forget about the “Arab Spring” was that “millions of Arabs chose a
constructive way to force change. They chose political revolution—a peaceful,
civic, inclusive, and responsible form of revolt—directed square at their own
leaderships, not at Western countries, not even those seen as regime allies.”
This is
not to suggest that Islamism hasn’t degraded from its opposition to widespread
corruption into organizations seeking to take control over the nations where it
has spread. It has and this is most evidence in the incredibly corrupt nation
of Nigeria where since 2009 Boko Haram has developed terrorism to new heights
of barbarity—if that is possible.
An
oil-rich nation, the billions that it generates have gone missing thanks to the
administration of Nigerian president, Goodluck Jonathan. The police in Nigeria
are hated as much as Boko Haram and, as we have seen, have not demonstrated any
ability to eliminate the terrorist organization.
Why would
any police officer or member of the armed forces want to die for a corrupt,
kleptocratic administration? This was true back in the days when the U.S. was
fighting in Vietnam, true when the Iraqi armed forces fled from those of the
Islamic State, and it explains why even the active participation of U.S. forces
does not result in victory against the terrorist organizations.
Why then
should we be surprised that many throughout the Middle East have turned to
Islam to address the problems they encounter from the corruption of their
governments? “Lured by militant advocates of a religious ordering of human
affairs, they will seek to roll back four hundred years of political history.”
In the
West, we regard those regions of the world where corruption is rampant as
backward. We can be forgiven for forgetting that our ancestors in England, the
Netherlands, and parts of France laid the groundwork for modern democracy by
their efforts to curb the corruption of the monarchies that enjoyed the good
life at the expense of their subjects.
By the
time the Founders came together to create the U.S. Constitution, they had been
well-schooled and experienced in what it would require to keep corruption at
bay with a government whose powers were limited and divided among executive,
legislative, and judicial branches.
We are
their beneficiaries, but that does not mean we have defeated corruption. The
vast entitlement programs are just one example of the way millions are secured illegally
by deception and disbursement. Other forms of corruption are addressed in the
Foreign Corrupt Practices Act that forbids the use of bribery by corporations
doing business in foreign nations.
The U.S.
is not alone, however. Just as occurred in 2008, the too close relationship of
the banking community and government led to financial crises in Ireland and
Iceland. The public’s rejection of corruption in Ukraine led to its current
civil unrest.
The role
of corruption in the nations experiencing Islamic terrorism cannot be
underestimated. Its role in the conduct of the world’s affairs is huge and a
constant threat whose many forms must be understood, addressed, and eliminated to the greatest degree possible.
© Alan
Caruba, 2015
No comments:
Post a Comment