By Alan Caruba
Younger
generations can be forgiven if all they know of war is what they have learned
in school or seen dramatized on film and television. For most Americans, the
Civil War, the two World Wars, and the conflicts in Korea and Vietnam are
events that occurred “a long time ago.” For my generation, born just prior to
or during World War Two, wars have been a constant element of our lives.
Anyone
with an interest in U.S. history knows that America was born out of a long war
(1775-1783) with Great Britain which eventually led to the writing of the
Constitution in 1787 whose ratification became official in June 1788. A year
later George Washington, the wartime general, became the first President and,
thereafter, nearly every President has had to dispatch U.S. naval, land and air
forces in combat. This is why the Founders concluded that the President also
had to be Commander-in-Chief in order to respond to threats to the nation
whether near or far.
Not all
Americans were eager to engage in various conflicts and most of the larger ones
have had to address a fair measure of opposition. Even the Revolution was
resisted by those who felt being a colony was a wiser choice than being
independent.
In the
greater world, wars have been constant somewhere, a shaper of history, and,
according to Benjamin Ginsberg, a prolific historian and director of the Center
for Advanced Governmental Studies at Johns Hopkins University, it has some
beneficial aspects. His latest book, “The Worth of War”, explores this aspect
of history.
“Organized
warfare is among the most common and persistent of human activities,” says
Prof. Ginsberg. “As terrible as it is, war and the possibility of war exert
considerable pressure upon societies to think and plan logistically in order to
protect their security interests and, sometimes, their very existence.”
“In the
decades since World War II, of course, the United States has been at war on a
continual basis. The nation has fought large engagements in Korea, Indo-China,
and the Middle East, as well as numerous smaller conflicts throughout the
world.” Americans are now debating having to return to the Middle East a third
time since the Persian Gulf War 1990-1991 to undertake the vital mission of destroying
the newly declared Islamic State that threatens the region and, should it grow
more powerful, the West.
It may
strike the reader as odd to think of war as a good thing, but Prof. Ginsberg
points out that “Bureaucracies developed from war. Once built, they expanded
the scope of their operations to handle purely civilian tasks as well. War also
required societies to learn the rudiments of fiscal policy” because “armies and
war are expensive.”
Much of
the technology we take for granted emerged from the need to succeed in warfare.
“Europe’s lead in military technology widened sharply with the European
industrial revolution of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries (and)
with their weapons, their ships, and their tactics, European armies conquered
the Americans, Africa, portions of Asia, and the Indian subcontinent.” In the
process, the Europeans exported their technological advances to those they
conquered, spreading knowledge.
The
concept of being a “citizen soldier” developed out of war. “During the medieval
and early modern eras, wars were fought by small feudal levies and professional
or mercenary armies” but “beginning with the French revolution and Napoleonic
eras, the size of national military forces began to increase substantially.”
Not only did war become very expensive, a nation’s people had to be given a
reason to feel they were defending or expanding the interests of the nation,
having loyalty to the state. They had to be paid; funding had to be raised via
taxes and bonds and, beyond conscription, others had to feel inspired to
participate in making the instruments of war.
“In the modern world, military success
requires a strong economic base to support the armies, weapons, training, and
logistics need to prevail in serious or protracted combat.” Indeed, “the level
of economic development is the single most important variable explaining
military outcomes over the past century or so.”
The United
States has enjoyed the greatest, thriving economy since the end of World War
II, but public opinion has played a significant role, via Congress, elections,
and public displays of support or resistance to whether the U.S. has entered a
war or relinquished combat. The role of the President to encourage
participation or resist combat is the other significant factor.
President
Obama, who was elected twice on the promise to withdraw U.S. troops from Iraq
and Afghanistan, now faces the decision whether to employ military power to
attack the Islamic State. Failing to retain our troops in Iraq or to engage
jihadists in Syria is credited with its emergence and its threat.
The images
of Islamic State barbarity, as well as its deliberate slaughter of Christians
in the Middle East, is tending public opinion to the need to destroy it before
it exports its violence to the U.S.
As Prof.
Ginsberg points out, “Tolerant, politically liberal individuals shrink from
using violence under almost any circumstance” but “in the international realm,
by opposing war and violence they are effectively condemning many peoples to
live under tyranny.”
At home,
“America is a country whose citizens are connected to one another and to their
government less by the blood in their veins than the blood they have shed—their
own and that of others.” We honor our veterans. We have national holidays to
celebrate our past victories.
We need a
victory in the Middle East. We had one in Iraq until President Obama militarily
abandoned it. We have troops in Afghanistan that are the only thing between its
modernization or a return to the oppression of the jihad.
One way or
the other, whether we respond to the current threat or not, wars will be
fought, won or lost.
© Alan
Caruba, 2014
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